Wanderers of the Fourth World
The Ancestral Puebloans
have left a legacy of stunning cliff dwelling in the canyons of
the Four Corners. Today, the mythology of the Hopi is able to
shed refreshing insights into a people who believe that they alone
hold our world in balance.
known as the Anasazi, the Ancestral Puebloans, emerged in the
American landscape ca. 700 AD and disappeared ca. 1300 AD. The
Anasazi, which means “ancient ones” in Navajo, have
become the subject of intense speculation, including plots in
“The X Files”, because they seem to have vanished
without a trace. Their new name of Ancestral Puebloans suggests
that, despite popular belief, we now know where they went: they
were the ancestors of the Puebloans, the people that lived in
the villages which the Spanish conquered when they arrived in
these parts of America. Their territory is what is now known as
the Four Corners, which is most of northern Arizona, New Mexico,
Southern Utah and Colorado, including the Grand Canyon and into
Southern Nevada and includes Native Americans tribes like the
Navajo and the Hopi.
The Ancestral Puebloans intrigue many. They were a true culture:
the first North Americans to use looms to weave cotton, to make
blankets and even socks from yucca leaves, interwoven with turkey
feathers, to make sandals. At the same time, and for no obvious
reason, they also deliberately flattened and broadened their skulls
by binding the heads of babies against cradleboards. For some,
this is suggestive evidence that they did as such to make their
children resemble the people who brought them their civilisation:
story of the Ancestral Puebloans lives on in the mythology of
the Hopi, considered by many to be the most mysterious and mystical
of all Native Americans. It begins with the claim that their ancestors
emerged from the Third World through a crack, into this, the Fourth
World, in a placed known as Sipapu. Their Sipapu – other
Native Americans have such places of emergence elsewhere –
is located near Desert View, 25 miles of Grand Canyon Village,
near the confluence of the Colorado and the Little Colorado Rivers.
Reaching it requires a seven hour trek, along the Salt Trail Canyon.
The Sipapu itself is a natural salt dome, six to eight meters
high, topped by a permanent spring – a mineral hot spring,
though some wonder whether it is a geyser.
Though some try to make the location of Sipapu into a mystery,
in truth, it is not. Even the Rough Guide suggests that the Sipapu’s
location – “somewhere near the Grand Canyon”
– does not feature on any map, is only known to the Hopi,
and that they are the only people allowed to visit. As a matter
of fact – and any internet search will reveal – the
location of the Sipapu is well-known and relatively frequently
visited by those walking the canyons – and does appear on
Sipapu in the Grand Canyon
Some, like Frank Walters in “Book of the Hopi”, have
noted that seeing the Sipapu as a place of emergence is a myth,
and that the Hopi use the Colorado River merely as a symbol for
the water to the west. Waters argues that unlike the emergence
from the First and Second World, the emergence from the Third
World into ours was “merely” a voyage by sea by those
deemed worthy to survive the last catastrophe. As such, the Sipapu
cannot be seen as a place of emergence, as the Fourth World did
not have any.
way, at the beginning of the Fourth World, they were greeted by
Maasaw, the caretaker of the land. He had also been appointed
the head of the Third World, but had become a little self-important,
lost his self-humility and other deities had therefore made him
the deity of death and the underworld. But Maasaw was given a
second chance in the Fourth World. He ordered the survivors to
separate into clans, to begin a series of migrations across the
continent, whereby the stars would guide them. Eventually, they
would meet again and settle. Maasaw gave each clan one or more
sacred tablets, which would guide them along their migrations.
To each clan, he also gave a small water jar, which was magical,
and came with instructions, which included a description on how
to make a new water jar, in case the old one was broken or needed
replacing. The Hopi argue that this water jar is the missing ingredient
in how to make sense of the locations chosen by the Ancestral
Puebloans to live: the water jar meant that they could settle
miles away from rivers, as the water jar allowed them to create
springs and rivers wherever they settled. Once they abandoned
their dwellings and continued their migration, they took the jar
with them, rendering the site once again as dry as a bone. Hence,
when archaeologists say the Ancestral Puebloans vacated their
settlements because of drought, they might miss out the key element
of the story – say the Hopi and their mythology.
The notion that these clans were on a “divine migration”
also explains why several settlements were so often abandoned
after a century, or even less, of occupation. The archaeological
consensus that the cliff dwellings that typify the Ancestral Puebloans
were abandoned because of drought, might therefore be a complete
Finally, the Hopi argue that each clan was supposed to complete
four migrations, but that only some did, specifically those that
kept the “door on top of their heads” open and realised
the purpose and meaning behind the four migrations, which was
that these migrations were purification ceremonies. Once completed,
they would return to the sacred circle, to establish the Hopi
Mesas, their permanent settlement – until the advent of
the Fifth World.
Hopi Mesas are three mesas, relatively near each other, roughly
northeast of Flagstaff and southwest of Chinle – Arizona.
They are quite literally in the middle of nowhere, while the entire
Hopi Reservation itself is surrounded on all sides by the Navajo/Apache
Indians. One of the reasons why the Hopi are such outsiders even
within the Native American community, is that they never signed
any peace treaty, and as such, seem to have missed out on certain
benefits other Native Americans were able to receive. The Hopi
will argue that of all Native Americans, their “door on
top of their heads” nevertheless remains the most open.
The Hopi Mesas are the homeland of the Hopi, the “divine”
destination of the wandering tribes of the Ancestral Puebloans.
The “real” Centre of the World is Tuuwanasavi, a few
miles from the village of Oraibi. It was the Bear Clan that was
the first to complete their four migrations and, arriving from
Mesa Verde, they settled on Second Mesa. Still, Oraibi, the settlement
on the Third Mesa, is today seen as the oldest town in Northern
America, as it has seen continuous inhabitation since it was occupied.
When other clans arrived, they either settled on or near the other
mesas; the Snake Clan for example came from Hovenweep and settled
on First Mesa. With each tribe arriving “home”, it
was the task of the already present tribes to welcome –
or not – the new tribe. The Bear Clan was of paramount importance
in such judgments. The arrival of new tribes obviously had great
social consequences, but for the Hopi, the key question was one
of rightfulness: whether the new arrival had the right to be granted
A key question that would allow the arriving tribe access to the
sacred centre of the world was whether or not they had lived in
accordance with the divine rules (as set out at the start of the
wanderings by Maasaw) and had not abused their magical powers.
For example, it is said that when the Bow Clan was at first not
admitted, they decided to plant a snake at Ghost Cove Valley,
which was meant to create an earthquake that would destroy the
mesas. The resident clans believed that a sacrifice was necessary
to cancel this negative power, and the Bear Clan would sacrifice
a boy, with a request to the other resident tribes to provide
a female sacrifice, which was offered by the Parrot Clan. It shows
the complexity that was and remains present within Hopi customs.
the Hopi have nevertheless acquired the same legal privileges
other Indian tribes have received and have refrained from opening
any casinos. Many of their festivals are now off limits to outsiders
and photography is no longer allowed either. A brochure for visits
to the Mesas advises: “please do not approach any kivas,
or ceremonial buildings. Do not go near or pear into Katsina resting
The kiva is the “Hopi church”, while each of the mesas
centres around a plaza. They form the stage for the various Hopi
festivals, which occur through the year and focus on their deities
[Katsinas]. In Hopi mythology, the deities are believed to live
in the San Francisco Peaks, to the west of Flagstaff, within sight
of the Hopi reservation. The highest peak, at 12,643 feet, is
Mount Humphreys, a volcanic cone that dominates this desert altiplano.
Though named in honour of Francis of Assisi, to the Hopi, they
are known as Nyvatukya’ovi, and to the Navajo, Dook’o’oosliid.
Their tops are almost always surrounded by clouds, and it is easy
to see why they were seen as the source of life-giving rains –
as they were.
San Francisco Peaks, seen from near Wupatki
The Hopi still make annual pilgrimages (which are linked with
their festivals) on foot from their mesas, 65 miles east, to shrines
hidden in the mountains. Upon the winter solstice, the deities
are then said to depart from the mountains – as rain clouds
– and come to live with the Hopi on the mesas. After the
harvest – in early July – they return to their mountain
Though a lot of attention has been drawn to the San Francisco
Peaks as the residence of the deities, in truth, they are but
one of four “Cloud Houses”, residences of the gods,
which are the four highest points around Oraibi, each one in a
different direction. Another sacred hill is Hard Rock Mountain
or Navajo Mountain in Southeastern Utah. Four migrations, four
cardinal points… four sacred mountains.
a place of emergence in the Grand Canyon – to which annual
pilgrimages occurred as well – and their gathering of the
clans at the mesas, their wanderings still need to be explored.
It is clear that most of the abandoned sites across the Four Corners
– if not beyond – are linked with these migrations.
Some of the ruins have inscriptions that show a signature of a
specific clan, as well as on which migration this clan constructed
a particular cliff dwelling.
Most of the Ancestral Puebloans villages were cliff dwellings,
set into the sheer cliff face of canyons. It is clear that these
were less than ideal settings from a mundane perspective, especially
in the – cold – winters. Archaeologists will argue
that they had certain defensive advantages, but this single benefit
clearly does not outweigh the disadvantages.
One such site is Hovenweep National Monument. This is a cliff
dwelling that for archaeologists is a “late burst”
of the Ancestral Puebloans shortly before they disappeared, whereas
within a migration framework, it is a settlement of the final
migration of a clan, before heading for the Hopi Mesas. At Hovenweep,
the tall towers are considered by archaeologists to have functioned
as astronomical observatories and it underlines the Hopi mythology
that the cycle of migrations was linked with the constellations
– on their travels, they were guided by the stars.
Another clan sojourned at Chaco Canyon, which is now believed
to have been home to 4000 to 6000 people, and which equally had
complex astronomical alignments built into its design. The Hopi
see canyons as passageways from this world to the Underworld,
with spirit migration occurring between the two worlds: spirits
emerged from the canyon, and the dead returned to reside in the
Underworld. In fact, some stories go that these ghostly inhabitants
rise from the abyss with glowing eyes and monstrous forms, travelling
across the Painted Desert to revisit their earthly homes on the
At Chaco Canyon, the largest Great House is known as Pueblo Bonito,
which contained both housing and ceremonial centres. The site’s
15 great kivas could hold 400 people each. The largest kiva in
the Southwest is Casa Rinconada and has a window for viewing the
summer solstice sunrise and lets those rays inside the structure.
Further astronomical connotations to this site are a spiral petroglyph
near the top of Fajada Butte, which is carved behind three upright
slabs of rock, which cast a light to give a calendar marking for
the equinoxes and solstices.
history of Chaco Canyon and other cliff dwellings underlines the
nature of their wanderings. The “Chaco clan” had settled
in three main areas: Chaco Canyon itself, Mesa Verde, and Tsegi
Canyon, also known as Navajo National Monument (a misnomer). Tsegi
Canyon has the typical 13th century cliff dwellings, but it is
known that by 1300, irrigation had lowered the water table and
had made farming impossible, resulting in the canyon being abandoned
– if one follows the traditional archaeological explanations.
The people moved to Keet Skeel (according to Navajo legends) and
Betatakin. Hopi legend states that as many as eight of their clans
lived there for fifty years, just before their migrations ended
at the Hopi Mesas, fifty miles south.
Mesa Verde is dated to 1200-1250 AD and thought to have had a
population of 2500 people at its peak. The site was completely
abandoned by the late 13th century, and drought is once again
blamed for its abandonment. Archaeologists believe that each settlement
had far less people than it had rooms, as some rooms were used
for storage. Its most striking dwelling is the Cliff Palace, containing
150 rooms, which might have housed 120-200 people.
Why anyone wanted to settle at Chaco is a mystery, as it was even
dryer back then than it is now. Still, archaeology has been able
to show that the top of the land – above the canyon –
was crisscrossed with dams, terraces and irrigation channels,
underlining that for some reason, water was once plenty –
or at least sufficient to feed the population. The magical water
jar might explain some things.
is known that the clans had to perform four migrations. Interestingly,
settlement in Chaco Canyon predated the arrival of the Ancestral
Puebloans; the first nomadic tribe arrived here in 100 AD and
began to plant crops. Could this mean that a tribe settled at
Chaco during a previous migration, as early as 100 AD? If so,
the cliff dwellings should then be seen as the typical building
style of the final/fourth migration, before the clans headed to
Chaco Canyon provides other insights into what life was like for
the Ancestral Puebloans. The Chaco culture only truly began in
1020 AD, reaching a heyday in ca. 1050 and 1125; the last definitive
tree ring dating is of 1132. By 1200, the site was completely
abandoned. In 1907, Chaco Canyon was thought to have sheltered
20,000 people. That figure was later revised to 5000 people, based
on the number of rooms in the pueblo. Now, in light of the few
burials that have been found on the site, as well as the lack
of signs that the upper floors were ever inhabited, as well as
the canyon’s poor soil, archaeologists estimate a population
of “only” 2000 people.
Though all these cliff dwellings seem to be in isolated canyon
locations, in truth, each site traded extensively with other centres.
It is known that the Chaco culture used masonry techniques that
around 1000 AD came from Mesa Verde, which allowed for the construction
of these remarkable dwellings. Furthermore, their construction
should be seen as being almost on par with the Great Pyramid or
Stonehenge: in total, 200,000 tree trunks were used, mostly ponderosa
pines and corkbark fir. These were brought from hillsides fifty
and more miles away, without the use of animals or the wheel.
If only 2000 people lived here, it underlines the scope of the
undertaking, and hints that building these cliff dwellings must
have been seen as a sacred duty.
Canyon is also known to have had contact with the cultures of
Mexico, as they kept macaw and parrots from Central America. The
site itself is known for its huge quantities of turquoise, 50,000
pieces of which have been found in Pueblo Bonito alone. It was
the most valuable trading commodity, and Chacoans acquired it
from distant mines, mostly to the east, in the Cerrillos region.
With basic tools, prehistoric miners scooped 100,000 tons of rock
from Mount Chalchiuitl, two miles northeast of Cerrillos, leaving
a cavern 300 feet wide and 200 feet deep.
Once mined, it was crafted into sacred and ornamental objects.
These were then transported to Mexico; ninety percent of the turquoise
found in the Aztec capital of Tenochtitlan, originated from here.
This Turquoise Trail – now roughly coinciding with Highway
14 – was one of the oldest thoroughfares in North America,
connecting mines along the eastern flanks of the Sandia Mountains
with the settlements of the Rio Grande valley. It not merely saw
the transport of turquoise, but also of gold, copper and coal.
Chaco Canyon was therefore likely seen as a temporary home for
these wanderers, it is clear that an enormous amount of work went
into its construction and that it developed into a powerful economic
centre. But religion was nevertheless of primary importance in
its design. One of its most interesting features is that radiating
out of the complex, is a series of straight lines and wide roads,
some as long as ten to twenty miles, wandering into the deserts.
Most of the roads link up to some of the 75 other Ancestral Pueblo
Great Houses, while others seem to go nowhere. In total, the network
is more than 450 miles long and linked Chaco with outlier communities.
But that is not all. Each road is on average thirty feet wide
– wide enough for eight men to walk next to each other –
and is often in the form of a causeway, built of hard-packed stone.
The longest one discovered so far is 64 miles long, and goes towards
Salmon and Aztec. Most of the roads are arrow straight, regardless
of the terrain on which they were built. If the road hit a cliff,
staircases, ladders or roads allowed the traveller to continue.
It underlines that for some reason straightness needed to be maintained
at all costs, and that the roads must have had a ritual, rather
than economic purpose – on par with the so-called leylines
of Western Europe?
The Great North Road begins at the Pueblo Alto, on the northern
rim of the canyon; it is almost perfectly straight and astronomically
aligned. Most of the lines take in small shrine-like structure,
which display evidence of shamanistic activity. Settlements along
the tracks were often set apart a day’s walk. Frank Walters
has labelled this network “race tracks” and added
that such ceremonial races were still held during the Flute and
Snake-Antelope ceremonies of the modern Hopi. Interestingly, the
same Flute and Snake races also involve the small jar of sacred
water, which the Hopi say brings the rains.
In the 1930s, anthropologist Alexander Stephen lived with the
Hopi and found that each pueblo had a sun-watcher. His position
is able to shed light on this radial network of roads. From a
location in the village, the sun-watcher would observe the position
of the solar disc through the day, relative to specific horizon
features, such as peaks and notches, to tell the time of day and
year. The Hopi erected sun shrines at places on the horizon where
the sun rose or set. Some of these were up to 24 kilometres from
the observation point. And at the appropriate times, when the
sun rose or set over a shrine, runners were sent to plant prayer
sticks within it. Archeo-astronomer Ray Williamson observed that
“the young Hopi initiates run in as straight a line as possible
to the shrines and back… They follow, as it were, literally,
the straight road of a beam of sunlight.” So, to some extent,
this radial network of roads is indeed a race track – though
one with stellar and religious connotations. And it underlines
that before finally settling in the Centre of the World on the
Hopi Mesas, Chaco Canyon was a temporary sacred centre.
Hopi migrations were the divine instructions of Maasaw, but according
to author Gary A. David, they are far more interesting than what
most have assumed so far. In “The Orion Zone”, David
argues that “[the constellation] Orion provided the template
by which the Anasazi determined their villages’ locations
during a migration period lasting centuries. Spiritually mandated
by a god the Hopi call Masau’u, this ‘terrestrial
Orion’ closely mirrors its celestial counterparts, with
prehistoric ‘cities’ corresponding to all the major
stars in the constellation. By its specific orientation the sidereal
pattern projected on the Arizona high desert also encodes various
sunrise and sunset points of both summer and winter solstices.”
David has shown that the three Hopi Mesas can overlap the three
stars of Orion’s Belt, with other key Ancestral Puebloan
sites corresponding to other stars of this constellation –
and neighbouring stars: Chaco Canyon coincides with Sirius. Orion
itself is made up (amongst others) from the Betatakin Ruin in
Tsegi Canyon and Keet Seel Ruin as representing the double star
Rigel, the left foot or knee of Orion; Homol'ovi Ruins State Park
is Betelgeuse, while Wupatki is Bellatrix and Canyon de Chelly
Saiph. Even the Sipapu in the Grand Canyon is mapped, and corresponds
with Pi 3 Ori.
Orion’s Belt is therefore sacred to the Hopi, the “Centre
of the World”, but it was also very important to the Mayans,
who actually saw it as the point where the creation of the Fourth
World occurred. Specifically, the Mayan creation myth sees Orion’s
Belt as a huge Cosmic Turtle, whose back was cracked open by a
lightning stone. From this crack, the Maize Gods grew and it is
therefore a place of emergence too. That Orion’s Belt features
so prominently in the layout of the Hopi homeland therefore suggests
that they had strong links with the Mayans, as plenty of evidence
near the mesas – e.g. Wupatki – has demonstrated.
David believes that the stone tablets given by Maasaw to guide
the Hopi in their journeys must have contained this “grand
scheme.” Their purificational migrations are therefore literally
“as above, so below”: in accordance with the movements
of the stars, the deities.
the Hopi are the wanderers of the Fourth World, as they are now
settled in the Centre of the World, their focus is on the Fifth
World. On Prophecy Rock near Oraibi, there is a pictograph of
the emergence of the present world. The Hopi elder Grandfather
Martin held a press conference in 1991, arguing that we were seeing
the end of the Fourth World and that eight of the nine prophecies
related to this event, had already occurred. The final prophecy
and ninth sign of the Hopi states: “You will hear of a dwelling-place
in the heavens, above the earth, that shall fall with a great
crash. It will appear as a blue star. Very soon after this, the
ceremonies of my people will cease.” With such prophecies
defining the end of this World, it should not come as any surprise
that the Hopi and the Ancestral Puebloans are expert stargazers
and why astronomers believe that in the 11th century, they might
have observed an explosion in the Crab Nebula. It were the skies
that they had depicted on the landscape of the Fourth World, and
it will be the skies that will inform them when this World comes
to an end. As such, the Hopi are indeed an “apocalyptic
movement” in the strictest of terms. And they believe that
only their ways is what keeps this Fourth World in balance. Just
like Maasaw had said all along…